Comment: Cf. also Ud. ap:e-sun 'to become ripe, boiled', p:ap:-sun (Vart. bap:-sun) 'to be in time', Vart. b-ap:i ( = Nidzh. p:ap:i) 'ripe'. The Udi forms clearly point to PL labialised *q̇ʷ and distinguish this root clearly from PL *ʔirq̇är 'to come, reach' (Ud. ej-sun / e-sun). Medial -r- regularly gets lost in verbal roots of all the languages that have preserved PL *ʔi(r)q̇ʷV.
An old derivate from this root (with reduction of the initial syllable) may be Tab. q̇abi (Düb. q̇awi) 'old' (cf. an analogous development in Dargwa).
Comment: Budukh has -r-conjugation probably because of assimilation (*ʔirš(:)Vl- > *ʔiršVr-); Kryz. -l clearly points to PL *-l. The original *-i-vowel is preserved in Kryz.; other languages reflect rather the Ablaut grade *ʔorš(:)Vl (cf. also *ʔärš(:)Vl in Kryz. imper. s-äšil).
Meaning:1 to become astringent 2 to be defeated 3 to win
Lezghian:riṭi- 1
Agul:liṭ- 2,3
Rutul:li=ṭa- 3
Comment: The original meaning is "to be bothered, fed up" (cf. the external evidence), whence the various meanings in modern languages. Ag. and Rut. have a preverb *l- (Lezg. riṭi- < *ʔirṭe-, and r- is not a prefix).
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Tp. d-urħa-s 'to play', Arch. iχI-erkurt:u 'funny' (showing the morphonemic weakness of χI). Rutul reflects a derivate *ʔirχIʷa-n (with reduction of the first weak syllable).
Comment: Cf. also Tab. Düb. č̣a=ʁI-, Ag. Tp. č̣irʁʷa- 'to tear off'. It is hard to separate the Tab. and Ag. forms with the expressive prefix č̣- from Rut. č̣i=χe- 'to tear, break off' (although the correlation between Rut. keʁ-i=χʷa- and č̣-i=χe- is not quite clear).
The root is expressive, but should be distinguished from PL *č̣iχ:an- 'to scrape, rub' (q.v.), although, of course, some contaminations between them were possible.
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Tp. r-uʁa-s 'to knit' (both in Tpig and in Richa the verb also means 'to weave' - a result of merger with PL *ʔiχar 'to weave' q.v.). The Archi -n-conjugation points to a PL variant *ʔirχ:ʷan, which is the most archaic (other languages reflect an assimilated form *ʔirχ:ʷar).
A common Lezghian derivate is PL *jaχ:ʷ(a) 'loom': Lezg. Khl. aχʷar-ar, Ag. aχʷ-ar (Bursh. aχ:ʷ-ar, Fit. aχʷ), Rut. jaχʷ. Cf. perhaps also Lezg. barʁ-ar (Migr. awaʁ-ar) 'shredded hemp fibres', which can be also derived from the same root.
Comment: In Tab. the root is used only with preverbs (q-, ald-); pharyngealization is probably secondary (expressive). The Lezghian languages reflect two main nominal derivates from this root:
Cf. also Arch. χ:uχ:ǝṭiḳi 'saw' - which is obviously derived from χ:uχ:u- (although it may have been influenced also by the related Lak. χ:uχ:uṭi 'file').
Comment: The verbal stem is preserved only in Tab. (cf. also Düb. =i=χ- id.). Other languages preserve the basic derivate *ʔi(r)χʷVra 'thread' (with Anlaut reduction in Bud.). The Kryz. form is not quite clear: perhaps it is a reinterpretation of the form *χiri (cf. Bud.) as plural (with a productive suffix -ri), with the back-formation > χi in singular. In Kryz. we also have ruʁ- 'to sew', but this is rather a reflex of PL *ʔirχ:ʷVr- 'to knit, spin' (q.v.), reflecting a merger of two PL roots.
Comment: In Kryz. the root is used as present durative (še-ri 'is') and in the paradigm of the verbs 'to come', 'to go down' (imper. ʕu-šä, pres. ʕu-š-χä-ri 'come', imper. ʕa-š, pres. ʕa-š-χä-ri 'to go down' = Bud. imper. ʕa-š, pres. ʕa-š-χa-ri 'to come'). In Bud. cf. perhaps also q:-i=š- 'to mount (a horse)'. The meanings 'come' and 'become, be' are obviously related.
Comment: Cf. also Ag. dial. ʁ-uža- (pointing to *-š:-). The verb belongs to the weak class. Rutul reflects the Ablaut grade *-ä- (cf. also the same in the Tsakh. pres. il-eš:e). With other preverbs cf. Rut. läq-ä=šʷa-, Tsakh. ʁa=š:e- 'to take away', q-i=š:e- 'to plane, hew, skin' ('take surface off'), qal'k-i=š:e- 'take off (clothes)', Rut. äʁ-ä=šʷa- 'to catch, hold'.
Comment: Cf. also Arch. tʷa-s 'to fade, wither' (Arch. tar-as < *tʷar-as;tʷa-s is a back-building from the original durative *tʷar, where -r belonged to the root - thus an originally single paradigm was split into two with an overlapping durative form).
In Lezg. and Ag. there occurred a metathesis; cf. also the derivate Lezg. aruta 'curdled milk', Ag. (Bursh.) arutaj 'curds' < *ʔVtʷar-aj.